[9,44] Τοῦτο μαθοῦσι τοῖς ὑπάτοις φροντὶς εἰσῄει καὶ λογισμός, ὅπως ἂν ἐν τάχει καὶ σὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τὸ παρακινοῦν καὶ στασιάζον ἐξαιρεθῇ. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἄππιος ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα καλεῖν γνώμην ἐδίδου τοὺς βουλομένους σώζεσθαι τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν· εἰ δέ τινες ἐναντία θήσονται σφίσι τὰ ὅπλα, τούτους ἐν πολεμίων ποιεῖσθαι μοίρᾳ. ὁ δὲ Κοίντιος λόγῳ πείθειν ᾤετο δεῖν τοὺς δημοτικοὺς καὶ μεταδιδάσκειν ὡς δι´ ἄγνοιαν τοῦ συμφέροντος εἰς ὀλέθρια βουλεύματα φερομένους· ἐσχάτης μανίας ἔργον εἶναι λέγων, ἃ παρ´ ἑκόντων ἔξεστι φέρεσθαι τῶν συμπολιτευομένων, ταῦτα παρ´ ἀκόντων βούλεσθαι λαμβάνειν. ἐπαινεσάντων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν συμπαραληφθέντων εἰς τὸ συνέδριον τὴν Κοιντίου γνώμην παρελθόντες εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν οἱ ὕπατοι λόγον ᾐτοῦντο παρὰ τῶν δημάρχων καὶ χρόνον. μόλις δ´ ἀμφοῖν τυχόντες, ἐπειδὴ καθῆκεν ἣν ᾐτήσαντο παρ´ αὐτῶν ἡμέραν, ὄχλου παντοδαποῦ συνεληλυθότος εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν, ὃν ἀμφότεραι παρεσκευάσαντο σύμμαχον ἑαυταῖς ἐκ παρακλήσεως αἱ ἀρχαί, παρῆσαν ὡς κατηγορήσοντες τοῦ νόμου. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κοίντιος, τά τ´ ἄλλα ἐπιεικὴς ὢν ἀνὴρ καὶ δῆμον οἰκειώσασθαι λόγῳ πιθανώτατος, πρῶτος αἰτησάμενος {τὸν} λόγον, ἐπιδέξιόν τινα καὶ κεχαρισμένην ἅπασι διεξῆλθε δημηγορίαν, ὥστε τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ νόμου λέγοντας εἰς πολλὴν ἐλθεῖν ἀμηχανίαν, οὔτε δικαιότερα λέγειν ἔχοντας οὔτ´ ἐπιεικέστερα. καὶ εἰ μηδὲν ἔτι πολυπραγμονεῖν ὁ συνύπατος αὐτοῦ προείλετο, συγγνοὺς ἂν ὁ δῆμος, ὡς οὔτε δίκαια οὔθ´ ὅσια ἀξιῶν ἔλυσε τὸν νόμον· νῦν δ´ ἐκείνου λόγον διελθόντος ὑπερήφανον καὶ βαρὺν ἀκουσθῆναι πένησι χαλεπὸς εἰς ὀργὴν ἐγένετο καὶ ἀμείλικτος καὶ εἰς ἔριν ἦλθεν ὅσην οὔπω πρότερον. οὐ γὰρ ὡς ἐλευθέροις τε καὶ πολίταις ὁ ἀνὴρ διαλεγόμενος, οἳ τοῦ θεῖναι τὸν νόμον ἢ λῦσαι κύριοι ἦσαν, ἀλλ´ ὡς ἐν ἀτίμοις ἢ ξένοις ἢ μὴ βεβαίως ἔχουσι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἐξουσιάζων, πικρὰς καὶ ἀνυπομονήτους ἐποιήσατο κατηγορίας, τῶν τε χρεῶν τὰς ἀποκοπὰς αὐτοῖς ὀνειδίζων καὶ τῶν ὑπάτων τὴν ἀπόστασιν προφέρων, ὅτε τὰ ἱερὰ σημεῖα ἁρπάσαντες ᾤχοντο ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου φυγὴν ἐπιβάλλοντες ἑαυτοῖς ἑκούσιον· τούς θ´ ὅρκους ἀνακαλούμενος, οὓς ὤμοσαν τὰ ὅπλα περὶ τῆς γειναμένης αὐτοὺς γῆς ἀναλαμβάνοντες, οἷς κατ´ αὐτῆς ἐκείνης ἐχρήσαντο. τοιγάρτοι θαυμαστὸν οὐδὲν ἔφησεν αὐτοὺς ποιεῖν, εἰ θεοὺς μὲν ἐπιορκήσαντες, ἡγεμόνας δὲ καταλιπόντες, πόλιν δ´ ἔρημον τὸ καθ´ ἑαυτοὺς εἶναι μέρος ἀφέντες, ἐπὶ δὲ πίστεως συγχύσει καὶ νόμων ἀνατροπῇ καὶ πολιτεύματος πατρίου φθορᾷ ποιησάμενοι τὴν κάθοδον, οὐ μετριάζουσιν οὐδὲ χρηστοὺς δύνανται πολίτας ἑαυτοὺς παρασχεῖν, ἀλλ´ αἰεί τινος ὀρέγονται πλεονεξίας καὶ παρανομίας, τοτὲ μὲν ἀρχὰς ἐξεῖναι σφίσιν ἀξιοῦντες αὐτοὺς ἐφ´ ἑαυτῶν ἀποδεικνύναι, καὶ ταύτας ἀνυπευθύνους ποιοῦντες καὶ παναγεῖς· τοτὲ δ´ εἰς ἀγῶνας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνων καθιστάντες οὓς αὐτοῖς δόξειε τῶν πατρικίων, καὶ τὰ νόμιμα δικαστήρια, οἷς περὶ θανάτου καὶ φυγῆς ἡ πόλις πρότερον ἔδωκε κρίνειν, μεταφέροντες ἐκ τῆς καθαρωτάτης φυλῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ῥυπαρώτατον ὄχλον· τοτὲ δὲ νόμους εἰσφέροντες οἱ θῆτες καὶ ἀνέστιοι κατὰ τῶν εὐπατριδῶν τυραννικοὺς καὶ ἀνίσους, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ προβουλεῦσαι περὶ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν τῇ βουλῇ καταλείποντες, ἀλλ´ ἀφαιρούμενοι καὶ ταύτην αὐτῆς τὴν τιμήν, ἣν ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς εἶχεν ἀναμφίλεκτον χρόνου, βασιλευομένης τε καὶ τυραννουμένης τῆς πόλεως. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα τούτοις ὅμοια προσθεὶς καὶ οὐδενὸς οὔτε πικροῦ πράγματος οὔτε βλασφήμου ὀνόματος φεισάμενος, τελευτῶν ἐκεῖνον ἔτι προσέθηκεν τὸν λόγον, ἐφ´ ᾧ μάλιστα ἡ πληθὺς ἠγανάκτησεν, ὅτι χρόνον οὐδένα παύσεται στασιάζουσα περὶ παντὸς χρήματος ἡ πόλις, ἀλλ´ αἰεί τινα καινὴν ἐπὶ παλαιᾷ νοσήσει νόσον, ἕως ἂν ἡ τῶν δημάρχων ἐξουσία διαμένῃ· διδάσκων, ὅτι πράγματος παντὸς πολιτικοῦ καὶ κοινοῦ τὰς ἀρχὰς προσήκει σκοπεῖν, ὅπως εὐσεβεῖς ἔσονται καὶ δίκαιοι. φιλεῖν γὰρ ἐκ μὲν τῶν ἀγαθῶν σπερμάτων χρηστοὺς γίγνεσθαι καὶ εὐτυχεῖς τοὺς καρπούς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν πονηρῶν κακοὺς καὶ ὀλεθρίους.

[9,44] When the consuls were informed of this, they grew anxious and considered by what means the commotion and sedition might speedily and safely be removed. Appius advised summoning to arms all who wished the constitution of their fathers to be preserved, and if any opposed them, to look upon them as enemies.But Quintius thought they ought to use persuasion with the plebeians and convince them that through ignorance of their own interest they were being led into pernicious counsels. He said that it was the extreme of folly to wish to obtain from their fellow citizens against their will the things which they might receive by their consent.The advice of Quintius being approved of by the other members of the senate, the consuls went to the Forum and asked the tribunes to give them a hearing and to appoint a time for it. And having obtained both requests with difficulty, when the day they had asked of them had come, the Forum being filled with a great concourse of people of all sorts, which the magistrates on both sides had got together under instructions to support them, the consuls presented themselves with the intention of speaking against the law. Quintius, accordingly, who was a fair-minded man in all respects and most capable of winning over the populace by his eloquence, first desired leave to speak, and then made an adroit speech that was acceptable to everybody, with the result that those who spoke in favour of the law were p69reduced to great embarrassment, finding nothing to say that was more just or more reasonable. And if his colleague had not chosen to continue his officiousness, the populace, being fully aware that their demands were neither just nor right, would have rejected the law. But as it was, he delivered a speech that was haughty and offensive to the ears of the poor, so that they became exasperated and implacable and fell into greater strife than before.For he did not talk to them as if they were free men and his fellow citizens who had power to confirm or reject the law, but domineering over them as if they were outcasts or foreigners or men whose liberty was precarious, he uttered bitter and intolerable reproaches, upbraiding them with the abolition of their debts and with their desertion of the consuls when they snatched up the consuls and quit the camp, imposing voluntary banishment upon themselves;63 and he appealed to the oaths they had sworn when they took up arms in defence of the country which had given them birth, only to turn them against that very country.Therefore their conduct was not at all strange, he said, if, after being guilty of perjury to the gods, deserting their generals, leaving the city undefended as far as in them lay, and returning home in order to violate the public faith, subvert the laws and overthrow the constitution of their fathers, they showed no moderation and could not behave themselves like good citizens, but were always aiming at some selfish encroachment and violation of the laws. At one time they were demanding the right to choose for themselves their own magistrates (p71) and making these unaccountable for their actions and sacrosanct; again, they were putting on trial for their lives such of the patricians as they saw fit, and transferring the legitimate courts, to which the commonwealth had formerly entrusted the trial of causes involving death or banishment, from the most incorruptible senate to the vilest mob; and yet again, the labourers for hire and the homeless were introducing tyrannical and unfair laws against the men of noble birth, without leaving to the senate the power even of passing the preliminary decree concerning those laws, but depriving that body of this honour also, which it had always enjoyed undisputed under both kings and tyrants. After he had (p73) uttered many other reproaches of like nature and withheld neither any bitter fact nor any opprobrious word, he concluded with this declaration — which gave greater offence to the multitude than all the rest — that the commonwealth would never cease being divided into factions over every matter, but would always suffer from some fresh distemper following the old as long as the tribunician power should last. He pointed out that it is important to examine the beginnings of every political and public institution, to see that they shall be righteous and just; for from good seeds are wont to come good and wholesome fruit, and from bad seeds evil and deadly fruit.