[11,135] Μενέλαος δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐχ ἧκεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον, ἀλλ´ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κατέμεινεν. καὶ σημεῖά γε ἔστιν ἄλλα τε τῆς ἀφίξεως καὶ νομὸς ἀπ´ αὐτοῦ καλούμενος, οὐκ ἂν εἰ πεπλανημένος καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἀφίκετο. γήμας δὲ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα καὶ διηγήσατο τοῖς ἱερεῦσι τὰ τῆς στρατείας οὐθὲν ἀποκρυπτόμενος. {οἱ δέ φασιν ὅτι καὶ τὴν Ἑλένην ἐκεῖθεν ἔλαβεν, λόγον ἁπάντων ἀπιστότατον· τέως δὲ ἐλάνθανεν εἴδωλον ἐκ τῆς Τροίας ἔχων· ὅ τε πόλεμος συνεστήκει περὶ εἰδώλου τὰ δέκα ἔτη.} (136) σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ Ὅμηρος ἐπίσταται τοῦτο καὶ αἰνίττεται, φήσας τὸν Μενέλαον μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν εἰς τὸ Ἠλύσιον πεδίον πεμφθῆναι, ὅπου μήτε νιφετὸς γίγνεται μήτε χειμών, ἀλλ´ αἰθρία δι´ ἔτους καὶ πρᾷος ἀήρ· ὁ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου τόπος τοιοῦτός ἐστιν. δοκοῦσι δέ μοι καὶ τῶν ὕστερον ποιητῶν τινες ὑποπτεῦσαι τὰ πράγματα. τὴν γὰρ Ἑλένην ἐπιβουλευθῆναι μὲν ὑπὸ Ὀρέστου λέγει τις τῶν τραγῳδοποιῶν εὐθὺς ἐλθοῦσαν, γενέσθαι δὲ ἀφανῆ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπιφανέντων. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐποίησεν, εἰ ἐφαίνετο ἡ Ἑλένη κατοικήσασα ὕστερον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ τῷ Μενελάῳ συνοῦσα. (137) τὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν Ἑλλήνων μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τοῦτο ἦλθε δυστυχίας καὶ ταπεινότητος, τὰ δὲ τῶν Τρώων πολὺ κρείττονα καὶ ἐπικυδέστερα ἐγένετο. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Αἰνείας ὑπὸ Ἕκτορος πεμφθεὶς μετὰ στόλου καὶ δυνάμεως πολλῆς Ἰταλίαν κατέσχε τὴν εὐδαιμονεστάτην χώραν τῆς Εὐρώπης· τοῦτο δὲ Ἕλενος εἰς μέσην ἀφικόμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα Μολοττῶν ἐβασίλευσε καὶ τῆς Ἠπείρου πλησίον Θετταλίας. καίτοι πότερον εἰκὸς ἦν τοὺς ἡττηθέντας ἐπιπλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν κρατησάντων χώραν καὶ βασιλεύειν παρ´ αὐτοῖς ἢ τοὐναντίον τοὺς κρατήσαντας ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ἡττημένων; (138) {πῶς δέ, εἴπερ ἁλούσης Τροίας ἔφευγον οἱ περὶ τὸν Αἰνείαν καὶ τὸν Ἀντήνορα καὶ τὸν Ἕλενον, οὐ πανταχόσε μᾶλλον ἔφευγον ἢ εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην, οὐδὲ τόπον τινὰ ἠγάπων καταλαβόντες τῆς Ἀσίας, ἀλλ´ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνων ἔπλεον ὑφ´ ὧν ἀνάστατοι ἐγένοντο; πῶς δὲ ἐβασίλευσαν ἅπαντες οὐ σμικρῶν οὐδὲ ἀνωνύμων χωρίων;} {ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατασχεῖν; ἀλλ´ ἀπείχοντο διὰ τοὺς ὅρκους. ὅμως δὲ Ἕλενος οὐκ ὀλίγον αὐτῆς ἀπετέμετο, τὴν Ἤπειρον· Ἀντήνωρ δὲ Ἑνετῶν ἐκράτησε καὶ γῆς ἀρίστης τῆς περὶ τὸν Ἀδρίαν· Αἰνείας δὲ πάσης Ἰταλίας ἐβασίλευσε καὶ πόλιν ᾤκισε τὴν μεγίστην πασῶν}. (139) {ταῦτα δὲ οὐκ εἰκὸς ἦν πρᾶξαι φυγάδας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ταῖς οἴκοθεν ξυμφοραῖς καταβεβλημένους, ἀλλ´ ἀγαπᾶν, εἴ τις αὐτοὺς εἴα κατοικεῖν· ἄλλως τε μετὰ ποίας ἀφορμῆς ἀφικομένους χρημάτων ἢ στρατιᾶς διὰ μέσων τῶν πολεμίων φεύγοντας, ἐμπεπρησμένης τῆς πόλεως, πάντων ἀπολωλότων, ὅπου χαλεπὸν ἦν τὰ σώματα αὐτὰ διασῶσαι τοὺς ἰσχύοντας καὶ νέους, ἀλλ´ οὐ μετὰ παίδων, γυναικῶν καὶ γονέων καὶ χρημάτων ἀπανίστασθαι, καὶ ταῦτα ἀδοκήτως τε καὶ παρ´ ἐλπίδας ἁλούσης τῆς πόλεως, οὐχ ὥσπερ εἰώθασι κατὰ σπονδὰς κατ´ ὀλίγον ἐκλείπειν; ἀλλὰ τὸ γενόμενον δυνατὸν γενέσθαι.}

[11,135] Menelaus did not return to the Peloponnesus at all but remained in Egypt. Among other proofs of his arrivai there is the fact that a province was named after him ; which would not have been the case had he been a wanderer and stayed for only a short period. But he married the king's daughter and told the priests the story of the expedition, concealing nothing. One could almost say that Homer is not only well acquainted with all this account, but also that he is hinting at it when he says that Menelaus was sent by the gods after his death to the Elysian fields, where there is neither snow nor storm but sunshine and balmy air throughout the year, for such is the climate of Egypt. It seems to me that some of the later poets too have an inkling of the farts. One of the tragic poets, for instance, says that Helen immediately upon her return was the object of Orestes' plotting and that on the appearance of her brothers she was not to be found. Now the poet would never have so represented it in his play had it been an established fact that Helen lived in Greece after the war, and as the wife of Menelaus. (137) This is the gloomy and weak state into which the fortune of Greece fell after the war, while that of Troy became much brighter and more glorious. On the one hand, Aeneas was sent by Hector with a large fleet and force of men and occupied Italy, the most favoured country in Europe ; and, on the other, Helenus penetrated into the interior of Greece and became king of the Molossians and of Epirus near Thessaly. And yet which was the more probable: that a vanquished people should sail to the land of their conquerors and reign among them, or that, on the contrary, the victors should sail to the land of the conquered? Furthermore, if, when Troy fell, Aeneas, Antenor, Helenus, and their people fled, why did they not betake themselves anywhere else rather than to Greece and Europe, or content themselves with occupying some place in Asia, rather than sail straight to the land of those who had driven them out? And how did they all come to rule over regions by no means small or obscure, when they might have seized Greece also ? But, one says, they refrained on account of their oaths. Still, Helenus cut off no small part of it, namely, Epirus. Then Antenor acquired dominion over the Heneti and the very best land about the Adriatic, while Aeneas became master of all Italy and founded the greatest city in the world. Now it does not stand to reason that men driven into exile and crushed by calamities at home accomplished such things, but rather that they would have been satisfied to be allowed to settle anywhere, especially when one considers with what humble resources whether of men or of money they would have had to come, fleeing through the midst of the enemy, their city lying in ashes and everything lost, when it would have been hard for the young and vigorous to save even their lives, to say nothing of setting forth with wives, children, parents, and property, when, to make matters worse, their city had been taken suddenly and contrary to their expectation, and they would not have departed gradually as men are vont to do when there has been a formal agreement. Nay, what did happen was a thing that could happen.