[11,8] Ταῦτ´ ἐστίν, ὦ βουλή, τὰ Σαβίνων τε καὶ Αἰκανῶν ἐνθυμήματα, οἷς πεπιστευκότες ἐμβεβλήκασιν ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν γῆν. ἐὰν μὲν οὖν ἀγανακτήσαντες τῷ καταφρονεῖσθαι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐπαρθέντων ὡς ἔχομεν ὀργῆς δύναμιν ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐπ´ αὐτοὺς ψηφισώμεθα, δέδοικα μὴ ταῦθ´ ἡμῖν ἃ προὔλαβον ἐκεῖνοι συμβῇ, μᾶλλον δ´ εὖ οἶδα συμβησόμενα. ἐὰν δὲ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ τἀναγκαιότατα καταστησώμεθα - ταῦτα δ´ ἐστὶν ἥ τ´ εὐκοσμία τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τὸ πᾶσι ταὐτὰ συμφέροντα φαίνεσθαι - ἐξελάσαντες μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὴν νῦν ἐπιχωριάζουσαν ὕβριν καὶ πλεονεξίαν, ἀποδόντες δὲ τὸ ἀρχαῖον σχῆμα τῇ πολιτείᾳ, πτήξαντες οἱ νῦν θρασεῖς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντες ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν ἥξουσιν ὡς ἡμᾶς οὐκ εἰς μακράν, τάς τε βλάβας - - - θούμενοι καὶ περὶ διαλλαγῶν διαλεξόμενοι, ὑπάρξει τε ἡμῖν ὃ πάντες ἂν εὔξαιντο οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες, χωρὶς ὅπλων διαπεπολεμηκέναι τὸν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλεμον. ταῦτα δὴ λογισαμένους ἡμᾶς οἴομαι δεῖν τὴν μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολέμου βουλήν, ἐπειδὴ ταραχωδῶς ἡμῖν ἔχει τὰ ἐντὸς τείχους, ἐᾶσαι κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ὑπὲρ ὁμονοίας δὲ καὶ κόσμου πολιτικοῦ προθεῖναι τῷ βουλομένῳ λέγειν. οὐ γὰρ ἐξεγένετο ἡμῖν, πρὶν εἰς τοῦτο καταστῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὑπὸ τῆσδε τῆς ἀρχῆς κληθεῖσι περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πραγμάτων εἴ τι μὴ καλῶς εἶχε τῶν γιγνομένων διαγνῶναι. πολλῆς γὰρ ἂν ἐπιτιμήσεως ἄξιος ἦν, εἴ τις ἐκεῖνον ἀφεὶς τὸν καιρὸν ἐν τούτῳ λέγειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἠξίου· οὐδ´ ἂν ἔχοι τις εἰπεῖν βεβαίως, ὅτι τοῦτον ὑπερβαλόμενοι τὸν καιρὸν ὡς οὐκ ἐπιτήδειον ἑτέρου δυνησόμεθα τυχεῖν ἐπιτηδειοτέρου. εἰ γὰρ ἐκ τῶν γεγονότων τὰ μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι βούλεταί τις εἰκάζειν, πολὺς ὁ μετὰ τοῦτον ἔσται χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ περὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν κοινῶν συνελευσόμεθα βουλευσόμενοι.

[11,8] "These, senators, are the reasonings of both the Sabines and the Aequians, and because they believed them to be valid, they have invaded our territory. So if we, showing our resentment at being scorned by them in their exalted state of mind, vote in our present wrathful state to lead out an army against them, I fear that all they anticipated may happen to us, or rather, I know full well that it will come to pass. But if we establish the conditions that are of primary importance and most necessary — and these are good order on the part of the multitude and the recognition by all citizens that their interests are identical — by banishing from the state the insolence and greed which are now the fashion and by restoring the constitution to its ancient form, these enemies who are now so bold will cower and, hurling their weapons from their hands, will soon come to us to make amends for the injuries they have caused and to treat for peace, and we shall have it in our power — a thing which all men of sense would wish — to have put an end to the war without resorting to arms. In view of these considerations I believe we ought to defer the consideration of the war for the present, since our affairs within the city's walls are in a turbulent state, and, instead, give leave to everyone who so desires to speak in favour of harmony and good order among our citizens. For we never had the opportunity, until the war brought us to this pass, of deciding in (p31) a meeting called by this government about the business of the commonwealth, whether any of the measures being taken were satisfactory. For, had there been such an opportunity, great censure would be deserved by anyone who had neglected that occasion and only at this time saw fit to talk about these matters. Nor could anyone say for certain that, if we let this opportunity pass as unsuitable, we shall be able to find one that is more suitable. For if one cares to judge the future by the past, it will be a long time before we meet again to consider any matter of the public business.