[5,69] Αὗται μὲν αἱ πλεῖστον ἀλλήλων διαφέρουσαι
γνῶμαι ἐλέχθησαν, ἕτεραι δέ τινες αἱ τὴν
μεταξὺ τούτων ἔχουσαι χώραν συχναί. οἱ μὲν γὰρ
αὐτοὺς μόνον ἀφεῖσθαι τῶν χρεῶν τοὺς μηδὲν κεκτημένους ἠξίουν,
τὰ χρήματα ποιοῦντες ἀγώγιμα τοῖς
δανεισταῖς, οὐ τὰ σώματα· οἱ δὲ τὸ δημόσιον ὑπὲρ
τῶν ἀδυνάτων διαλῦσαι τὰ συμβόλαια συνεβούλευον,
ἵνα ἥ τε πίστις τῶν πενήτων ὑπὸ τῆς δημοσίας φυλαχθῇ χάριτος καὶ οἱ
συμβεβληκότες αὐτοῖς μηθὲν
ἀδικηθῶσιν. ἐδόκει δέ τισι καὶ τῶν ἤδη κατεχομένων
πρὸς τὰ χρέα καὶ τῶν μελλόντων ἀφαιρεθήσεσθαι τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν ῥύσασθαι τὰ σώματα, ἐκ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων
ἕτερα τοῖς δανεισταῖς διαμειψαμένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν σώματα. τοιούτων
δέ τινων λεχθέντων ἡ νικῶσα ἦν
γνώμη, μηθὲν ἐν τῷ παρόντι γενέσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν
προβούλευμα· ὅταν δὲ τὸ κράτιστον τέλος οἱ πόλεμοι
λάβωσι, τότε προθεῖναι τοὺς ὑπάτους λόγον καὶ ψῆφον
ἀναδοῦναι τοῖς συνέδροις· τέως δὲ μηδεμίαν εἴσπραξιν
εἶναι μήτε συμβολαίου μηθενὸς μήτε καταδίκης μηδεμιᾶς, ἀφεῖσθαι δὲ
καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀμφισβητήσεις πάσας,
καὶ μήτε τὰ δικαστήρια καθίζειν μήτε τὰς ἀρχὰς διαγινώσκειν περὶ
μηθενὸς ἔξω τῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀνηκόντων. τοῦτο τὸ προβούλευμα
εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἐξενεχθὲν ἐμείωσε μέν τι τῆς πολιτικῆς ταραχῆς, οὐ
μὴν ἅπαν γε τὸ στασιάζον ἐξεῖλεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως. ἦσαν
γάρ τινες ἐκ τοῦ θητικοῦ πλήθους, οἷς οὐκ ἐφαίνετο
ἀποχρῶσα εἶναι βοήθεια ἡ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἐλπὶς φανερὸν οὐδὲ
βέβαιον ἔχουσα οὐδέν· ἀλλὰ δυεῖν θάτερον αὐτὴν ἠξίουν ποιεῖν, ἢ
διδόναι σφίσιν ἤδη τὴν
ἄφεσιν τῶν χρεῶν, εἰ βούλεται κοινωνοὺς τῶν κινδύνων ἔχειν, ἢ μὴ
φενακίζειν εἰς ἑτέρους ἀναβαλλομένην χρόνους· οὐ γὰρ ὁμοίας εἶναι
τὰς διανοίας τῶν ἀνθρώπων δεομένων τε καὶ ἀποπληρωθέντων, ὅτου
ἂν δεηθῶσιν.
| [5,69] These were the extreme opinions delivered upon that occasion, but there were
many which took the middle ground between the two. For some of the senators
favoured remitting the debts of those only who had nothing, permitting the money-
lenders to seize the goods of the debtors, but not their persons. Others advised that
the public treasury should discharge the obligations of the insolvents, in order both
that the credit of the poor might be preserved by this public favour and their creditors
might suffer no injustice. Certain others thought that they ought to ransom the
persons of those who were already being held for debt or were going to be deprived of
their liberty, by substituting captives in their stead and assigning these to their
creditors. After various views such as these had been expressed, the opinion that
prevailed was that they should pass no decree for the time being concerning these
matters, but that after the wars were ended in the most satisfactory manner, the
consuls should then bring them up for discussion and take the votes of the senators;
and that in the meantime there should be no money exacted by virtue of either any
contract or any judgment, that all other suits should be dropped, and that neither the
courts of justice should sit nor the magistrates take cognizance of anything but what
related to the war. When this decree was brought to the people, it allayed in
(p211) some measure the civil commotion, yet it did not entirely remove the spirit of
sedition from the state. For some of the labouring class did not look upon the hope
held out by the senate, which contained nothing express or certain, as a sufficient
relief; but they demanded that the senate should do one of two things, either grant
them the remission of debts immediately, if it wanted to have them as partners in the
dangers of the war, or not delude them by deferring it to another occasion. For men's
sentiments, they said, were very different when they were making requests and after
their requests had been satisfied.
|