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Denys d'Halicarnasse, Les Antiquités romaines, livre III

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Texte grec :

[3,9] Ταῦτ´ εἰπόντος τοῦ Φουφεττίου παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἔλεξε· Καὶ ἡμεῖς, ὦ Φουφέττιε, βαρεῖαν ὑπελαμβάνομεν ἡμᾶς καταλήψεσθαι συμφοράν, εἰ δι´ αἵματος καὶ φόνων ἀναγκασθείημεν κρῖναι τὸν συγγενῆ πόλεμον, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν ὁπότε τὰ προπολέμια θύοιμεν ἐκωλυόμεθα ἄρχειν μάχης· τάς τε ἀπορρήτους Φιδηναίων καὶ Οὐιεντανῶν συνωμοσίας, ἃς ἐπ´ ἀμφοτέροις ἡμῖν συνώμοσαν, ὀλίγῳ πρότερον σοῦ πεπύσμεθα παρὰ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ξένων καὶ οὐκ ἀφύλακτοι πρὸς αὐτάς ἐσμεν, ἀλλ´ ὡς παθεῖν τε μηδὲν αὐτοὶ κακὸν κἀκείνους τιμωρήσασθαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀξίως παρεσκευάσμεθα, οὐχ ἧττόν τε σοῦ καταλύσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἀμαχητὶ μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐβουλόμεθα. πρότεροι δὲ πρεσβεύεσθαι περὶ διαλλαγῶν οὐκ ἠξιοῦμεν, ἐπείπερ οὐδ´ ἤρξαμεν αὐτοὶ πρότεροι τοῦ πολέμου, ἄρξαντας δὲ ἠμυνάμεθα. ἀποτιθεμένων δὲ ὑμῶν τὰ ὅπλα δεχόμεθα τὰς προκλήσεις ἄσμενοι καὶ περὶ διαλλαγῶν οὐδὲν ἀκριβολογούμεθα, ἀλλὰ τὰς κρατίστας τε καὶ μεγαλοψυχοτάτας δεχόμεθα πᾶν ἀδίκημα καὶ πᾶν ἁμάρτημα τῆς Ἀλβανῶν πόλεως ἀφιέντες, εἰ δὴ καὶ κοινὰ χρὴ καλεῖν πόλεως ἁμαρτήματα, ὧν ὁ στρατηγὸς ὑμῶν Κλοίλιος αἴτιος ἦν, ὃς ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν οὐ μεμπτὰς τέτικε δίκας τοῖς θεοῖς. ἀφείσθω δὴ πᾶσα ἐγκλήματος ἰδίου τε καὶ κοινοῦ πρόφασις καὶ μηδενὸς ἔτι μνήμη τῶν παρεληλυθότων ἔστω κακῶν, ὡς καὶ σοί, ὦ Φουφέττιε, δοκεῖ· ἀλλ´ οὐκ ἀπόχρη τοῦτο μόνον ἡμᾶς σκοπεῖν, ὅπως ἂν τὴν παροῦσαν ἔχθραν διαλυσαίμεθα πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀλλ´ ὅπως μηδ´ αὖθίς ποτε πολεμήσομεν ἔτι δεῖ παρασκευάσασθαι· οὐ γὰρ ἀναβολὰς ποιησόμενοι τῶν κακῶν συνεληλύθαμεν, ἀλλ´ ἀπαλλαγάς. τίς οὖν ἡ βεβαία τοῦ πολέμου κατάλυσις ἔσται καὶ τί παρασχόντες εἰς τὰ πράγματα ἑκάτεροι νῦν τε καὶ εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον ἐσόμεθα φίλοι, σὺ μὲν παρέλιπες, ὦ Φουφέττιε, ἐγὼ δ´ ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσθεῖναι πειράσομαι. εἰ παύσαιντο μὲν Ἀλβανοὶ φθονοῦντες Ῥωμαίοις ἐφ´ οἷς ἔχουσιν ἀγαθοῖς, οὐκ ἄνευ μεγάλων κινδύνων καὶ πόνων πολλῶν αὐτὰ κτησάμενοι, (οὐθὲν γοῦν πεπονθότες ὑφ´ ἡμῶν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτε ἔλαττον κακὸν διὰ τοῦτο μισεῖτε ἡμᾶς, ὅτι δοκοῦμεν ἄμεινον ὑμῶν πράττειν) παύσαιντο δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δι´ ὑποψίας ἔχοντες Ἀλβανοὺς ὡς ἐπιβουλεύοντας ἀεί σφισι καὶ φυλαττόμενοι καθάπερ ἐχθρούς· οὐ γὰρ ἂν γένοιτο βεβαίως φίλος τῷ μισοῦντι οὐδείς. πῶς οὖν γενήσεται τούτων ἑκάτερον; οὐκ ἐὰν γράψωμεν αὐτὰ ἐν ταῖς ὁμολογίαις οὐδ´ ἐὰν ὀμόσωμεν ἀμφότεροι καθ´ ἱερῶν, (μικραὶ γὰρ αὗταί γε αἱ φυλακαὶ καὶ ἀσθενεῖς) ἀλλ´ ἐὰν κοινὰς ἡγησώμεθα τὰς ἀλλήλων τύχας. ἓν γάρ ἐστι μόνον, ὦ Φουφέττιε, λύπης ἀνθρωπίνης ἐπ´ ἀλλοτρίοις ἀγαθοῖς γινομένης ἄκος, τὸ μηκέτι τοὺς φθονοῦντας ἀλλότρια τὰ τῶν φθονουμένων ἀγαθὰ ἡγεῖσθαι. ἵνα δὴ τοῦτο γένηται, Ῥωμαίους μὲν οἶμαι δεῖν εἰς τὸ κοινὸν Ἀλβανοῖς θεῖναι πάντα ὅσα τε νῦν ἔχουσι καὶ αὖθις ἕξουσιν ἀγαθά, Ἀλβανοὺς δὲ ἀγαπητῶς τὰ διδόμενα δέχεσθαι καὶ γενέσθαι μάλιστα μὲν ἅπαντας ὑμᾶς, εἰ δὲ μή γε τοὺς πλείστους τε καὶ ἀρίστους ὑμῶν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πόλεως οἰκήτορας. οὐ γὰρ δὴ Σαβίνοις μὲν καὶ Τυρρηνοῖς καλῶς εἶχεν ἐκλιποῦσι τὰς ἑαυτῶν πόλεις μεταθέσθαι τοὺς βίους ὡς ἡμᾶς, ὑμῖν δὲ ἄρα τοῖς συγγενεστάτοις τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο γενόμενον οὐχ ἕξει καλῶς; εἰ δ´ οὐκ ἀξιώσετε μίαν οἰκεῖν πόλιν τὴν ἡμετέραν μεγάλην τε οὖσαν ἤδη καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐσομένην, ἀλλὰ φιλοχωρήσετε τοῖς πατρῴοις ἐφεστίοις, ἐκεῖνό γέ τοι ποιήσατε· βουλευτήριον ἓν ἀποδείξατε, ὃ τὰ συμφέροντα ὑπὲρ ἑκατέρας βουλεύσει πόλεως, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀπόδοτε μιᾷ τῇ κρείττονι πόλει καὶ πλείονα δυναμένῃ ποιεῖν ἀγαθὰ τὴν ἥττονα. ἐγὼ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ´ ἀξιῶ καὶ τούτων γενομένων τόθ´ ἡγοῦμαι βεβαίως ἡμᾶς ἔσεσθαι φίλους, δύο δὲ πόλεις οἰκοῦντας ἰσοκορύφους ὥσπερ νῦν οὐδέποτε ὁμονοήσειν.

Traduction française :

[3,9] After Fufetius had thus spoken, the king of the Romans answered him and said: "We also, Fufetius, felt that it would be a grave calamity for us if we were forced to decide this war between kinsmen by blood and slaughter, and whenever we performed the sacrifices preparatory to war we were forbidden by them to begin an engagement. As regards the secret conspiracy entered into by the Fidenates and Veientes against us both, we have learned of it, a little ahead of you, through our friends in their midst, and we are not unprepared against their plot, but have taken measures not only to suffer no mischief ourselves but also to punish those foes in such a manner as their treachery deserves. Nor were we less disposed than you to put an end to the war without a battle rather than by the sword;yet we did not consider it fitting that we should be the first to send ambassadors to propose an accommodation, since we had not been (p35) the first to begin the war, but had merely defended ourselves against those who had begun it. But once you are ready to lay down your arms, we will gladly receive your proposal, and will not scrutinize too closely the terms of the reconciliation, but will accept those that are the best and the most magnanimous, forgiving every injury and offence we have received from the city of Alba — if, indeed, those deserve to be called public offences of the city for which your general Cluilius was responsible, and has paid no mean penalty to the gods for the wrongs he did us both. Let every occasion, therefore, for complaint, whether private or public, be removed and let no memory of past injuries any longer remain — even as you also, Fufetius, think fitting. Yet it is not enough for us to consider merely how we may compose our present enmity toward one another, but we must further take measures to prevent our ever going to war again; for the purpose of our present meeting is not to obtain a postponement but rather an end of our evils. What settlement of the war, therefore, will be enduring and what contribution must each of us make toward the situation, in order that we may be friends both now and for all time? This, Fufetius, you have omitted to tell us; but I shall endeavour to go on and supply this omission also. If, on the one hand, the Albans would cease to envy the Romans the advantages they possess, advantages which were acquired not without great perils and many hardships (in any case you have suffered no injury at our hands, great or slight, but you hate us for this reason alone, that we seem to be better off (p37) than you); and if, on the other hand, the Romans would cease to suspect the Albans of always plotting against them and would cease to be on their guard against them as against enemies (for no one can be a firm friend to one who distrusts him). How, then, shall each of these results be brought about? Not by inserting them in the treaty, nor by our both swearing to them over the sacrificial victims — for these are small and weak assurances — but by looking upon each other's fortunes as common to us both. For there is only one cure, Fufetius, for the bitterness which men feel over the advantages of others, and that is for the envious no longer to regard the advantages of the envied as other than their own. In order to accomplish this, I think the Romans ought to place equally at the disposal of the Albans all the advantages they either now or shall hereafter possess; and that the Albans ought cheerfully the accept this offer and all of you, if possible, or at least the most and the best of you, become residents of Rome. Was it not, indeed, a fine thing for the Sabines and Tyrrhenians to leave their own cities and transfer their habitation to Rome? And for you, who are our nearest kinsmen, will it not accordingly be a fine thing if this same step is taken?If, however, you refuse to inhabit the same city with us, which is already large and will be larger, but are going to cling to your ancestral hearths, do this at least: appoint a single council to consider what shall be of advantage to each city, and give the supremacy to that one of the two cities which is the more powerful and is in a position to render the greater services (p39) to the weaker. This is what I recommend, and if these proposals are carried out I believe that we shall then be lasting friends; whereas, so long as we inhabit two cities of equal eminence, as at present, there never will be harmony between us."





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